Magnesium oxide Essay Example

Magnesium oxide Paper I cant have only 1 point connecting to zero to make a line of best fit because it would not be a very reliable line. Analysis The type of graph I have is as straight line in a positive correlation. The results are directly proportional which means as the mass of magnesium goes up, the mass of magnesium oxide goes up. The ratio is a constant ratio would always stay the same as long as the magnesium ribbon gets a constant supply of the same amount of oxygen every time throughout the whole experiment. This is because there are more magnesium atoms for oxygen to join with. The formula for working out the slope is: My equation was: This shows that the magnesium oxide which I have produces is Mg3O2 because 1. 44 (gradient of Mg3O2) is the closest match to my gradient, 1. 5. You cant use anything like half an atom so magnesium would lose 2 electrons and give them to oxygen and because they would become ions the structure of the molecule would be an ionic bond in a giant lattice. I used the points 0. 00 because it would be the easiest to deal with. We will write a custom essay sample on Magnesium oxide specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Magnesium oxide specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Magnesium oxide specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer The gradient links directly to the increase in product because it shows a positive correlation continuously. Evaluation The things that prevented or could have prevented our results from being reliable and accurate are these: * Lifting the Lid from the crucible How this affected our results is that while lifting the lid some smoke would be released into the air and that smoke is magnesium oxide and because there is magnesium oxide being released into the air that means there would be a reduction in mass which also means that we would get the wrong result for a particular length. Why we had to lift the lid was so that we could check if the reaction stopped and to let oxygen in so that the reaction could continue well. How I could make sure that this does not happen is by tilting the lid enough so that I can see if the reaction has finished and I would only tilt it for a second so that very, very little smoke get released. * Layer of Magnesium Oxide on the crucible The effect if this is that it would increase the mass of magnesium oxide we record because there is extra magnesium oxide that was not cleaned off. This would cause our results to be unreliable because it would almost be like we have made a product without anything is apparently (according to scientists) impossible. How I could prevent this from happening is by making sure that I clean the crucible so that any if any magnesium oxide was left in the crucible it would be removed. Or we could just use a new crucible. * Other formulas for magnesium oxide There uncountable numbers of possible formulas, so out of all the possible formulas there are there is a low chance that the formula that my data shows it could be may not be it, so this makes my conclusion unreliable. How we could improve our accuracy for this is by taking more records of other formulas and their gradients. * Unstable balance This would have an impact on my results accuracy and reliability because the balance kept on changing due to vibration from tables being hit and by wobbling the table which cause the balance to be unstable for quite some time. Why this is affecting our results is because we cannot be sure if the readings we have recorded are reliable because we recorded them while the balance was unstable. A way in which we could avoid this from having an effect on our results could be by isolating the room during the time we take in the results so that there would be minimal vibrations travelling through the table and floor. * Distance between the crucible and the flame from the Bunsen burner How this can alter my results accuracy is by creating less magnesium oxide because if the distance between the two are to long then there would be less heat reaching the crucible but this would only impact our results if the distance between the two was different each time because for each tests the impact of the affect would be the same. Cutting magnesium ribbons in right lengths inaccurately This would affect my reliability by giving me incorrect readings for each mass because when recording the mass I would be recording a result which would be completely of scale if the lengths were cut very accurately. How I could prevent this from happening is by using a ruler, stretching out the ribbon and cutting the ribbon with appropriate and accurate equipment e. g. scissors. E=MC2 This comes into effect in my experiment because before measuring the crucible we needed to wait for the crucible to cool down otherwise the heat would cause an increase in mass. So we would wait for the crucible to cool down before weighing it as energy is mass and mass is energy regardless of form of energy according to the theory behind E=MC2. If I dont wait for the crucible to cool down then my result would appear that the magnesium oxide as been formed from a higher mass of magnesium. Not just oxygen reacting with oxygen In the atmosphere there is not only oxygen, oxygen is only 21% of the atmosphere, 78% is nitrogen so what would also be made is magnesium nitrate. This would mean that some of my results could be unreliable because I dont know exactly how much nitrogen oxide has really been made in there is also nitrogen attached to magnesium. What I would do is remove the nitrogen by adding water. This would then create magnesium hydroxide and what I would do to change it to magnesium oxide is by heating it. I would not say that my results are very reliable because of the formula that I have create was Mg3O2 but logically it should be MgO because the correct ratio would 24:16 in mass terms and in the terms of the number of atoms from each element joining up against each other should be 1:1 and this is only because magnesium would lose 2 electrons to get a full shell and the oxygen would gain 2 electrons to get a full shell to make an ionic bond in a giant lattice. Another reason why I would say that my results are quite unreliable is because there were a lot of problems which caused the test to be quite unfair which was the lack of oxygen so what we did was we lifted the lid several times to get some oxygen in, but by doing that it lets some magnesium oxide out which would cause an accidental decrease in mass. But when looking at my graph and ignoring the gradient being 1.5 all my points on the graph are either or very close to the line of best fit and the average points dont scatter and the error bars are mainly small which indicates that my results are accurate, theyre just not very reliable because I did not get the formula MgO. I am confident that my results are accurate but Im not confident enough to believe that my results are reliable because when looking at the logical ratio it should be 24:16 but mine is 72:32 in atomic mass terms. Which does not really make much sense because naturally an atom would want a full shell but in this case only 4 out 5 atoms in the molecule are getting full shells, so I would believe that my results are very unreliable and when looking at what possible formulas there are, there really are loads which means that the formula which I have is very unlikely to be true, in fact many different formulas could have been made during just one test for one length. The method which I have used was quite accurate because of the equipment which we have used. One very accurate equipment which I used was the digital balance (0. 01g) and that was very accurate because it was able to measure the small changes in mass. The Bunsen burner was also good to use because it gave a constant supply of heat at roughly the same temperature throughout the experiment. The pipe-clay triangle made your results accurate because it made sure that the crucible was placed securely on the tripod and it also made sure no heat was blocked for the crucible. A method such as waiting for there to be no change in mass was an accurate method because it was easy to see if there was no change in mass. Overall, my whole experiment is not very reliable my results are very accurate, according to my graph. Show preview only The above preview is unformatted text This student written piece of work is one of many that can be found in our GCSE Patterns of Behaviour section.

A Response to Richard Vernons Article The Federal Citizen Essays

A Response to Richard Vernons Article The Federal Citizen Essays A Response to Richard Vernons Article The Federal Citizen Essay A Response to Richard Vernons Article The Federal Citizen Essay In this response I will attempt to prove that federalism is not an ideologically determined system, and that the basis of its structure is visible in all types of political orientation, such as the United States, the former Soviet Union and Canada. In this response to Richard Vernons article The Federal Citizen, I will attempt to prove that the essence of federalism is actually a general theme that is available for extraction in all levels of human interaction, from the individual in society to the highest level of supra-government. As Vernon concludes, the three conceptions which necessitate federalism as a constitutional entity are; democratic responsiveness, the openness of choice of identification, and the preservation of politics from (unqualified) nationalism.1 To begin an assessment of Vernons argument for federalism it is first necessary to have a working definition of what this system is and what the goals of its implementation are. It appears to be the idea of dual citizenship, which distinguishes the aspirations of federalism from other systems. This entails belonging to an upper-level national government as well as identifying oneself with a sub level provincial or territorial government. While this is generally agreed to be the goal of federalism, its implementation and even its purpose have been consequently stretched to all shades of the political spectre. Being a broad and loosely defined doctrine, I have chosen to divide my assessment of federalism into four sections, defined as an ideology, a political tool an individual modus operandi and as an economic model. Vernons own definition appears to fulfill the ideological perspective quite neatly and requires no further introduction. As a political tool, federalism attempts to strike a balance between the powers of governmental levels as well as providing representation for majority and minority groups simultaneously. For the individual, federalism can be viewed as a method of placing oneself in the context of ones community and nation simultaneously and separately. The economic view of the federal model is a theory for maximizing utility, in monetary and social forms, while minimizing the costs to create an optimally efficient entity. Two popular forms of federalism which can be inspected from these four perspectives are inter and intra-federalism. Inter-state federalism supports strong decentralized provincial governments where the upper level government serves to monitor the activities of the sub level governments and lead the pursuit of general common goals. From an ideological perspective, inter-state federalism avoids the problem of monarchies and empires that have a centralized structure, which makes them vulnerable to revolution or attack at a single geographical point, the Roman Empire would be a suitable example of such a system. The political analysis reveals that this breed of federalism can lead to an insulation of the individual provinces and, as in the case of Quebec, may cause individual provinces to seek secession from the federal government. It would also appear that minorities within the provinces themselves would not have as high a chance of assistance from the federal government, which would be effectively subservient to the combined powers of the provincial governments. From an individual point of view, a citizen would be more concerned with the political occurrences of her own province and feel a general apathy toward political action at the highest level as well as a disinterest in international politics. A modern example of one of the shortcomings of inter-state federalism is available in the American Civil Rights movement. A deadlock between state and federal government in Alabama meant that racial segregation policies in schools were not officially ratified until 1968, a substantially long time if one considers the date at which Abraham Lincoln officially freed African Americans. This example indicates the general problem of a lack of responsiveness by government to implement immediately the ideological principles it bases itself upon. An economic critique of inter-state federalism reveals that the lack of unification will lead to a dis-economy of scale, meaning that resources that might have been saved through mass, or national, production were used inefficiently. Another interesting consequence of the economic model analysis, is that redistribution of goods or services by a more balkanized government, has the potential of favouritism between jurisdictional levels, assuming that territorial divisions create pockets of culturally or otherwise distinct groups who may be favoured over others. As the division of power gives more individuals the authority to distribute goods or services to smaller groups of individuals, it is assumed that an increase in favouritism will occur. On the other side of the spectre we find intra-state federalism, which concentrates combined regional interests at the centre of government. While in its most extreme form intra-state federalism is nothing more than pluralism, and therefore uninteresting to an exploration of federalism; paradoxically, not all its premises have been denounced. Even anarchist writers such as Proudhon, sought the influence of the intra-state upper level government in their political writings to act as a guarantor of civil liberties and minority rights. Of course, the centralized government from this perspective does not increase its democratic responsiveness to the individual citizen, nor does it protect its citizenry from unqualified nationalism. The argument of political thinkers such as Proudhon, and later George Woodcock, is that a nation-state is too vast and remote to serve the individual citizen adequately; the bureaucracy of large government is too inhuman to accommodate the needs and desires of the people it wishes to represent. Only by narrowing the focus and reducing the size of the government and its population can the institution of government be representative of its people. This theory is considered to be a co-operative model of federalism, where all actions of government are a direct result of popular will. Unfortunately, this theory does little to support the case of minority populations and would necessitate an environment of dispassionate compromise and would pose a threat to groups that tried to distinguish themselves culturally or otherwise. This model is contrasted by a political view of pluralism, where divisions of territory are seen not as cultural demarcations but as fractions of the whole system, where power is checked and balanced by other delegates of power. This picture conflicts with the intended co-operative spirit, and would be just as likely to lead to the restraining of beneficial government action as it would be to enabling it. A division of territory will inevitably lead to inequalities between provinces, consequently, if these divisions are placed in conflict with each other there will doubtlessly be victors and vanquished. It seems fantastic that a single political system could sustain being equally present on opposite sides of the political arena. To arrive any nearer the exact nature of what federalism represents it will be necessary to look slightly more philosophically at what exactly the implications of a multi-levelled government are. Throughout the arguments presented above, it would appear that the dualistic nature of self-identification has survived. I would presently like to propose that its survival is due to the fact that it is prevalent everywhere. The attitude of being from a country but a culturally distinct part of that country is not exclusive to federal nations. I myself being from Norway, consider Bergen my home, and culturally distinct from the rest of the nation. Similar cases are extant throughout the world, from London to Thailand, people will always find ways to distinguish and associate themselves. In terms of political interests, unitary countries often have a citizenry who are more acutely aware of developments on the national level not only of their own nation but of those around it as well. The development of the European Union has had a tremendous impact on how citizens of separate nation-states see themselves as a part of a whole, and the improvement and maintenance of that whole as a collective responsibility. To expand the argument outwards, the United Nations has the potential to unify all nations as subordinate entities. It would appear that federalism is not a necessary condition for a dualistic existence where an individual feels responsibility towards two separate political bodies; the evidence seems to indicate that many people exist on multiple levels of commitment and that the numbers of these allegiances are determined by ones own awareness of the world. I would propose that the theory of Vernons dualism could be transferred to the general principle of awareness, albeit in his case of a political nature. The only remaining arguments for federalism were the three presented at the beginning of this response, namely, democratic responsiveness, choice of identification and protection from unqualified nationalism. To argue against these points individually will require that they are accepted as legitimate claims, in spite of the fact that they all contain an ideological bias. If the premise that federalism is a system without ideological attachments is accepted then all three points become moot. However, I would like to argue that another outlook is available that achieves these apparent goals of federalism. It seems that at least two of the three ideological prerequisites for the existence of federalism, the choice of identification and the protection from unqualified nationalism, can be better and more precisely met by looking outside of the national arena altogether. By having a greater awareness of ones identity in a global context, one would be more free to choose which aspects of that identity one wished to represent and less inclined towards the celebration of one nation-state alone. As argued by Plato in The Republic, the structure of man and a community serve as interchangeable vehicles. Therefore, if it is possible to define a mode of behaviour on a personal level, that exact form is applicable in a proportionate dimension to nation-states or international organisations. The argument proceeds, that an analysis of a given political structure or society will reveal the form of the individuals within that society, in effect their social roles. It is on this principle that I believe the third goal of Vernons federalism is to be found. I would like to argue that the essence of democracy is a philosophical state of being with a pattern of behaviour associated with that state. It would be futile to look to the real world for a responsive democratic government, as with federalism, democracy has become an abstract notion that all countries of the world either title themselves or aspire to. We must therefore accept democracy as an abstract mental projection, an ideal form to which we find only distortions in reality. The essence of democracy is arguably somewhere in between fairness and justice; again two abstract projections neither of which can be said to have corresponding physical manifestations. Therefore, the implications of the term democratic responsiveness are much more complex than a mere streamlining of bureaucratic protocol. I will unfortunately, be unable to give any alternative to federalism for this goal, as I am u nsure of its exact meaning and of Richard Vernons intent when he stated it. The reason that I feel Vernon and his predecessors failed to disentangle themselves from the federalist notion was that they tried to build a framework specific to their political alliances. By setting ideological parameters on a universal principle such as awareness, they blinded their own awareness to the essential truth of what they were exploring. Instead of seeing the ability to juggle several conflicting alliances simultaneously as a natural and necessary condition of human and therefore societal existence, Vernon attempted to establish an absolute truth within a very specific theoretical framework. What he failed to realize was that this basic condition of awareness was the absolute truth and that it existed independent of any political system or framework. I would like to challenge Vernon to find any extant political or social system that could not be interpreted as having his general federalist structure. In conclusion, I would argue that the importance of federalism as a dualist system is a misconception and that all politically aware people exist and view themselves in a multi-levelled society. Vernons ideological claims are not best represented by federalism from an individualistic, ideological, economic or political standpoint. The basic tenants of federalism, as outlined in his closing remarks are not representative of the broad political spectrum which the system crosses. I believe that for federalism to become a concrete political system would require a much closer definition of its constitutional framework.